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Donald Trump’s second presidency has quickly turned into an all-out assault on climate science and environmental protections. In just months, his administration has dismissed the severity of rising seas, dismantled regulatory safeguards, silenced government experts, and pushed panels stacked with sceptics. But as he digs in, opposition is rising across courtrooms, research institutions, and international diplomacy.
Youth Take the Fight to Court
A group of young Americans is suing Trump, arguing that his policies strip them of their constitutional rights to life, liberty, and property. Their case rests on the government’s obligation to protect citizens from foreseeable harm — in this case, the accelerating climate crisis.
This lawsuit builds on a growing movement of youth-led litigation worldwide, from Europe to South America, where courts increasingly recognize the climate emergency as a human rights violation. For these young plaintiffs, Trump’s rollback of environmental protections isn’t just politics; it’s about whether they will inherit a hospitable planet.
A Call to Stand Up to Trump
Resistance isn’t limited to U.S. borders. In the UK, 175 researchers published an open letter urging Prime Minister Keir Starmer not to bow to Trump’s climate obstruction. They warned that U.S. inaction could unravel hard-won global agreements, embolden other leaders to stall, and undermine the credibility of climate diplomacy.
The letter was pointed: scientists stressed that climate action cannot be dictated by “political expediency,” especially from one of the world’s largest polluters. The message was clear — Trump’s stance is not just America’s problem, it’s the world’s.
Courts Defend Transparency
Inside the U.S., Trump’s administration attempted to shield its climate advisory panel — dominated by sceptics — from public scrutiny. But a federal judge ruled the panel must follow transparency laws, including making records and meetings accessible to the public.
The decision is significant because it keeps the door open for journalists, watchdogs, and civil society to monitor how climate policy is being shaped. Without oversight, critics argue, the panel could have functioned as a shadow body dismantling environmental protections behind closed doors.
Undermining Consensus Science
International observers are worried. Former U.S. climate envoys warned that Trump’s rejection of scientific consensus is eroding global cooperation. The Japan Times highlighted concerns that his stance gives cover to other leaders inclined to downplay climate risks, threatening to slow down international agreements at a moment when speed is critical.
Climate envoys stressed that the world cannot afford one of its largest economies — and historically its biggest polluter — dismissing established science. Trump’s words reverberate beyond Washington; they can stall progress in capitals worldwide.
America’s Scientists Push Back
Domestically, America’s top scientific institutions are openly challenging the administration. The National Academies of Sciences rejected Trump’s efforts to undermine EPA studies and regulatory frameworks, warning that casting aside evidence would endanger public health, ecosystems, and economic stability.
The academies pointed out that peer-reviewed science must remain the foundation of policy. Their intervention underscores the growing tension between evidence-based institutions and a White House determined to put ideology ahead of data.
“Who the Hell Cares?”
Perhaps the most jarring moment came when Trump dismissed concerns about rising sea levels with a blunt, “Who the hell cares?” The remark sparked outrage across scientific and political circles, crystallizing the gap between climate reality and presidential rhetoric.
For coastal communities already grappling with floods, erosion, and saltwater intrusion, the comment was more than offensive — it was a denial of lived reality.
The Science Wars
Underlying all of this is what The Guardian describes as Trump’s broader “war on science.” His administration has cut billions in research funding, purged thousands of government scientists, and restricted access to public health and environmental data.
Experts warn this systematic erosion of science mirrors authoritarian strategies elsewhere — where evidence is sidelined, experts are silenced, and policy is dictated by ideology. Historian Paul Josephson put it bluntly: “The Trump administration is trying to undermine the scientific method as a basis of making determinations.”
What’s at Stake
Taken together, these reports paint a grim picture. Young people are fighting for their future in the courts. Scientists are rallying across continents. Judges are stepping in to defend transparency. And institutions are being forced to confront a presidency intent on dismantling decades of progress.
The stakes could not be higher. Every rollback, every silenced expert, and every shrug at rising seas makes it harder to avoid the tipping points scientists have warned about for decades. Trump’s climate war is not just about policy — it is about whether humanity can still act in time.
References:
https://thewire.in/environment/group-of-young-americans-sue-trump-over-climate-change
175 researchers urge UK Prime Minister to stand up to President Trump on climate change
https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2025/09/18/world/politics/climate-envoy-trump-consensus-science
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/sep/17/trump-science-war-public-health-experts
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The trial of Bryan Kohberger – the man who brutally murdered four University of Idaho students inside their off-campus home – ended in July before it ever truly began when he accepted a plea deal that saw him sentenced to four consecutive life terms in prison without the possibility of an appeal or parole.
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Indeed, academics and former FBI profilers told CNN the challenge of unravelling the criminal mind of a man like Bryan Kohberger is enticing. And while his trial may be over, in many ways, the story of what can be learned from his crimes may have only just begun.
“We want to squeeze any silver lining that we can out of these tragedies,” said Molly Amman, a retired profiler who spent years leading the FBI’s Behavioral Threat Assessment Center.
“The silver lining is anything we can use to prevent another crime. It starts with learning absolutely, positively everything about the person and the crime that we possibly can.”
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Even seasoned police officers who arrived at 1122 King Road on November 13, 2022, struggled to process the brutality of the crime scene.
All four victims had been ruthlessly stabbed to death before the attacker vanished through the kitchen’s sliding glass door and into the night.
“The female lying on the left half of the bed … was unrecognizable,” one officer would later write of the attack that killed Kaylee Goncalves. “I was unable to comprehend exactly what I was looking at while trying to discern the nature of the injuries.”
Initial interviews with the two surviving housemates gave investigators a loose timeline and a general description of the killer – an athletic, White male who wore a mask that covered most of his face – but little else.
Police later found a Ka-Bar knife sheath next to Madison’s body that would prove to be critical in capturing her killer.
One of the surviving housemates told police about a month before the attacks, Kaylee saw “a dark figure staring at her from the tree line when she took her dog Murphy out to pee.”
“There has been lighthearted talk and jokes made about a stalker in the past,” the officer noted. “All the girls were slightly nervous about it being a fact, though.”
But after years of investigating the murders, detectives told CNN they were never able to establish a connection between Kohberger and any of the victims, or a motive.
Kohberger is far from the first killer to deny families and survivors the catharsis that comes with confessing, in detail, to his crimes. But that, former FBI profilers tell CNN, is part of what makes the prospect of studying him infuriating and intriguing.
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The Justice Department on Friday released the long-awaited transcripts of a weeks-old interview it conducted with convicted Jeffrey Epstein associate Ghislaine Maxwell.
The Maxwell interview was one of two steps the White House took to try and quell outrage over its handling of the Epstein files, which has rocked the administration for weeks and caused even many supporters of President Donald Trump to balk.
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Attorney General Pam Bondi and other officials had built up anticipation for the Epstein documents before pulling back on promises to release them. Trump has also made a series of false and misleading claims that have caused Epstein’s victims to suggest a cover-up.
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The Maxwell interview conducted by Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche, likewise, doesn’t add much to the public knowledge of Epstein. But there are some key points worth running through – particularly in the broader context of the administration’s botched handling of the matter.
Here’s what to know from the transcript:
Maxwell isn’t coming clean, which undercut the exercise
The Maxwell interview is the administration’s first significant release of information since its effort to close the matter blew up in its face last month.
(Also on Friday, it sent Epstein documents to a House committee that had demanded them, but those aren’t public yet.)
But it was always a weird choice, given Maxwell is a convicted sex offender and her appeals are ongoing. The Justice Department in Trump’s first term also labeled her a brazen liar. What could she possibly add of value?
Not a whole lot, it seems.
Related article
This undated trial evidence image obtained December 8, 2021, from the US District Court for the Southern District of New York shows British socialite Ghislaine Maxwell, right, and US financier Jeffrey Epstein, left.
READ: Transcript of the Justice Department’s interview with Ghislaine Maxwell
The big headlines are that Maxwell doesn’t implicate anybody – including Trump – in any wrongdoing and says Epstein didn’t have a client list. But those statements might carry more weight if Maxwell came clean about her and Epstein’s own misdeeds.
She clearly didn’t do that. In fact, she repeatedly cast doubt on them, too.
She denied that Epstein paid her millions of dollars to recruit young women for him. She denied witnessing any nonconsensual sex acts. And she denied seeing anything “inappropriate” from “any man” – seemingly including Epstein.
“I never, ever saw any man doing something inappropriate with a woman of any age,” Maxwell said. “I never saw inappropriate habits.”
Some other Maxwell responses also call her credibility into question.
In another instance, Maxwell claimed Epstein didn’t have “inappropriate” cameras inside his New York, Caribbean, New Mexico and Paris residences. Cameras in his Palm Beach, Florida, house were used because money was being stolen. But Epstein’s seven-story townhouse in Manhattan was outfitted with cameras, the New York Times reported earlier this month. Several of Epstein’s victims have cited a network of hidden cameras.
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The Justice Department on Friday released the long-awaited transcripts of a weeks-old interview it conducted with convicted Jeffrey Epstein associate Ghislaine Maxwell.
The Maxwell interview was one of two steps the White House took to try and quell outrage over its handling of the Epstein files, which has rocked the administration for weeks and caused even many supporters of President Donald Trump to balk.
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Attorney General Pam Bondi and other officials had built up anticipation for the Epstein documents before pulling back on promises to release them. Trump has also made a series of false and misleading claims that have caused Epstein’s victims to suggest a cover-up.
The administration’s other big move – asking to unseal grand jury testimony – hasn’t amounted to much. In fact, two judges have suggested it was a “diversion” intended to look transparent without actually being so.
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The Maxwell interview conducted by Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche, likewise, doesn’t add much to the public knowledge of Epstein. But there are some key points worth running through – particularly in the broader context of the administration’s botched handling of the matter.
Here’s what to know from the transcript:
Maxwell isn’t coming clean, which undercut the exercise
The Maxwell interview is the administration’s first significant release of information since its effort to close the matter blew up in its face last month.
(Also on Friday, it sent Epstein documents to a House committee that had demanded them, but those aren’t public yet.)
But it was always a weird choice, given Maxwell is a convicted sex offender and her appeals are ongoing. The Justice Department in Trump’s first term also labeled her a brazen liar. What could she possibly add of value?
Not a whole lot, it seems.
Related article
This undated trial evidence image obtained December 8, 2021, from the US District Court for the Southern District of New York shows British socialite Ghislaine Maxwell, right, and US financier Jeffrey Epstein, left.
READ: Transcript of the Justice Department’s interview with Ghislaine Maxwell
The big headlines are that Maxwell doesn’t implicate anybody – including Trump – in any wrongdoing and says Epstein didn’t have a client list. But those statements might carry more weight if Maxwell came clean about her and Epstein’s own misdeeds.
She clearly didn’t do that. In fact, she repeatedly cast doubt on them, too.
She denied that Epstein paid her millions of dollars to recruit young women for him. She denied witnessing any nonconsensual sex acts. And she denied seeing anything “inappropriate” from “any man” – seemingly including Epstein.
“I never, ever saw any man doing something inappropriate with a woman of any age,” Maxwell said. “I never saw inappropriate habits.”
Some other Maxwell responses also call her credibility into question.
In another instance, Maxwell claimed Epstein didn’t have “inappropriate” cameras inside his New York, Caribbean, New Mexico and Paris residences. Cameras in his Palm Beach, Florida, house were used because money was being stolen. But Epstein’s seven-story townhouse in Manhattan was outfitted with cameras, the New York Times reported earlier this month. Several of Epstein’s victims have cited a network of hidden cameras.
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Israel’s attack in Doha was not entirely surprising, given Israel’s vow to eliminate Hamas — but some aspects of it are still shocking.
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Since India’s independence from Britain in 1947, the status of English in India has been deeply political – entwined with questions of identity, power, and national direction.
Today, English is one of several official languages in India, spoken by about 10% of the population. Hindi is the first language for around 44% of citizens, according to the 2011 census.
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But in recent years, Modi’s BJP has placed particular emphasis on promoting Hindi and reducing the use of English in public life.
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When India hosted world leaders for the 2023 G20 summit in New Delhi, invitations were sent out from “Bharat” – the Sanskrit or Hindi name for the country – instead of “India,” fueling speculation that the government aims to ultimately phase out the country’s English designation altogether.
Modi’s critics have been quick to note his political motives behind these moves.
With its roots in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing organization that advocates Hindu hegemony within India, the BJP’s language policies resonate with many in a country where nearly 80% of people are Hindu.
Analysts say the BJP is seeking to capitalize on this demographic by promoting language policies that strengthen its support base in the north.
According to Rita Kothari, an English professor from Ashoka University, the government “is certainly interested in homogenizing the country and making Hindi more widespread.”
But that policy can also backfire – in part because many regions, such as Marathi-speaking Maharashtra in the west – are staunchly proud of their local language.
The violent clashes in the state’s megacity Mumbai earlier this month were sparked by the regional government’s controversial decision to make Hindi a compulsory third language in public primary schools.
Pushback and protest has also been especially strong in the south, where English and regional languages such as Tamil, Telugu, and Kannada are valued as symbols of local identity and autonomy.
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As for amenities to enjoy in the impressive Istanbul airport before your departure, you will be truly amazed by their diversity as there are lots of opportunities for passenger how to spend time waiting for their plane to fly from the airport.
For families and kids, the next options become a salvation at the airport:
Security control checkpoints for families with newborns and toddlers.
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Children’s playground sites devoted to aviation across the airport.
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For shopping lovers, Istanbul airport is an impressive retail place due to numerous shop spots including expansive duty-free stores, pharmacies, pet shops, and souvenir shops where you can find gifts for any anniversary or special occasion. Its duty free area forms a real Luxury District and makes miracles with its diversity of brands and deluxe items. Therefore you can hardly leave it without a purchase.
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And when he was finally given the opportunity to answer their questions, he said, “I respectfully decline.”
That decision further fueled the mystery around his motive for murdering Xana Kernodle, Madison Mogen, Ethan Chapin and Kaylee Goncalves.
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Indeed, academics and former FBI profilers told CNN the challenge of unravelling the criminal mind of a man like Bryan Kohberger is enticing. And while his trial may be over, in many ways, the story of what can be learned from his crimes may have only just begun.
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Even seasoned police officers who arrived at 1122 King Road on November 13, 2022, struggled to process the brutality of the crime scene.
All four victims had been ruthlessly stabbed to death before the attacker vanished through the kitchen’s sliding glass door and into the night.
“The female lying on the left half of the bed … was unrecognizable,” one officer would later write of the attack that killed Kaylee Goncalves. “I was unable to comprehend exactly what I was looking at while trying to discern the nature of the injuries.”
Initial interviews with the two surviving housemates gave investigators a loose timeline and a general description of the killer – an athletic, White male who wore a mask that covered most of his face – but little else.
Police later found a Ka-Bar knife sheath next to Madison’s body that would prove to be critical in capturing her killer.
One of the surviving housemates told police about a month before the attacks, Kaylee saw “a dark figure staring at her from the tree line when she took her dog Murphy out to pee.”
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But after years of investigating the murders, detectives told CNN they were never able to establish a connection between Kohberger and any of the victims, or a motive.
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The trial of Bryan Kohberger – the man who brutally murdered four University of Idaho students inside their off-campus home – ended in July before it ever truly began when he accepted a plea deal that saw him sentenced to four consecutive life terms in prison without the possibility of an appeal or parole.
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And when he was finally given the opportunity to answer their questions, he said, “I respectfully decline.”
That decision further fueled the mystery around his motive for murdering Xana Kernodle, Madison Mogen, Ethan Chapin and Kaylee Goncalves.
“There’s no reason for these crimes that could approach anything resembling rationality,” Idaho District Judge Steven Hippler said during Kohberger’s sentencing. “The more we try to extract a reason, the more power and control we give to him.”
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Indeed, academics and former FBI profilers told CNN the challenge of unravelling the criminal mind of a man like Bryan Kohberger is enticing. And while his trial may be over, in many ways, the story of what can be learned from his crimes may have only just begun.
“We want to squeeze any silver lining that we can out of these tragedies,” said Molly Amman, a retired profiler who spent years leading the FBI’s Behavioral Threat Assessment Center.
“The silver lining is anything we can use to prevent another crime. It starts with learning absolutely, positively everything about the person and the crime that we possibly can.”
CNN
Only Kohberger knows
Even seasoned police officers who arrived at 1122 King Road on November 13, 2022, struggled to process the brutality of the crime scene.
All four victims had been ruthlessly stabbed to death before the attacker vanished through the kitchen’s sliding glass door and into the night.
“The female lying on the left half of the bed … was unrecognizable,” one officer would later write of the attack that killed Kaylee Goncalves. “I was unable to comprehend exactly what I was looking at while trying to discern the nature of the injuries.”
Initial interviews with the two surviving housemates gave investigators a loose timeline and a general description of the killer – an athletic, White male who wore a mask that covered most of his face – but little else.
Police later found a Ka-Bar knife sheath next to Madison’s body that would prove to be critical in capturing her killer.
One of the surviving housemates told police about a month before the attacks, Kaylee saw “a dark figure staring at her from the tree line when she took her dog Murphy out to pee.”
“There has been lighthearted talk and jokes made about a stalker in the past,” the officer noted. “All the girls were slightly nervous about it being a fact, though.”
But after years of investigating the murders, detectives told CNN they were never able to establish a connection between Kohberger and any of the victims, or a motive.
Kohberger is far from the first killer to deny families and survivors the catharsis that comes with confessing, in detail, to his crimes. But that, former FBI profilers tell CNN, is part of what makes the prospect of studying him infuriating and intriguing.
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That decision further fueled the mystery around his motive for murdering Xana Kernodle, Madison Mogen, Ethan Chapin and Kaylee Goncalves.
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“We want to squeeze any silver lining that we can out of these tragedies,” said Molly Amman, a retired profiler who spent years leading the FBI’s Behavioral Threat Assessment Center.
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Only Kohberger knows
Even seasoned police officers who arrived at 1122 King Road on November 13, 2022, struggled to process the brutality of the crime scene.
All four victims had been ruthlessly stabbed to death before the attacker vanished through the kitchen’s sliding glass door and into the night.
“The female lying on the left half of the bed … was unrecognizable,” one officer would later write of the attack that killed Kaylee Goncalves. “I was unable to comprehend exactly what I was looking at while trying to discern the nature of the injuries.”
Initial interviews with the two surviving housemates gave investigators a loose timeline and a general description of the killer – an athletic, White male who wore a mask that covered most of his face – but little else.
Police later found a Ka-Bar knife sheath next to Madison’s body that would prove to be critical in capturing her killer.
One of the surviving housemates told police about a month before the attacks, Kaylee saw “a dark figure staring at her from the tree line when she took her dog Murphy out to pee.”
“There has been lighthearted talk and jokes made about a stalker in the past,” the officer noted. “All the girls were slightly nervous about it being a fact, though.”
But after years of investigating the murders, detectives told CNN they were never able to establish a connection between Kohberger and any of the victims, or a motive.
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The trial of Bryan Kohberger – the man who brutally murdered four University of Idaho students inside their off-campus home – ended in July before it ever truly began when he accepted a plea deal that saw him sentenced to four consecutive life terms in prison without the possibility of an appeal or parole.
Kohberger sat impassively throughout the hearing as the loved ones of each of the four students whose lives he so callously ended repeatedly asked him the same question: Why?
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Even seasoned police officers who arrived at 1122 King Road on November 13, 2022, struggled to process the brutality of the crime scene.
All four victims had been ruthlessly stabbed to death before the attacker vanished through the kitchen’s sliding glass door and into the night.
“The female lying on the left half of the bed … was unrecognizable,” one officer would later write of the attack that killed Kaylee Goncalves. “I was unable to comprehend exactly what I was looking at while trying to discern the nature of the injuries.”
Initial interviews with the two surviving housemates gave investigators a loose timeline and a general description of the killer – an athletic, White male who wore a mask that covered most of his face – but little else.
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Today, English is one of several official languages in India, spoken by about 10% of the population. Hindi is the first language for around 44% of citizens, according to the 2011 census.
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But in recent years, Modi’s BJP has placed particular emphasis on promoting Hindi and reducing the use of English in public life.
The prime minister almost never delivers speeches in English, preferring Hindi for national addresses such as his monthly radio program. His administration has encouraged officials to use Hindi on social media and in government correspondence – though, after criticism from non-Hindi-speaking states, clarified that this was intended mainly for the Hindi belt in the north.
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When India hosted world leaders for the 2023 G20 summit in New Delhi, invitations were sent out from “Bharat” – the Sanskrit or Hindi name for the country – instead of “India,” fueling speculation that the government aims to ultimately phase out the country’s English designation altogether.
Modi’s critics have been quick to note his political motives behind these moves.
With its roots in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing organization that advocates Hindu hegemony within India, the BJP’s language policies resonate with many in a country where nearly 80% of people are Hindu.
Analysts say the BJP is seeking to capitalize on this demographic by promoting language policies that strengthen its support base in the north.
According to Rita Kothari, an English professor from Ashoka University, the government “is certainly interested in homogenizing the country and making Hindi more widespread.”
But that policy can also backfire – in part because many regions, such as Marathi-speaking Maharashtra in the west – are staunchly proud of their local language.
The violent clashes in the state’s megacity Mumbai earlier this month were sparked by the regional government’s controversial decision to make Hindi a compulsory third language in public primary schools.
Pushback and protest has also been especially strong in the south, where English and regional languages such as Tamil, Telugu, and Kannada are valued as symbols of local identity and autonomy.
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Доставка негабаритных грузов и перевозка тяжеловесных грузов по Москве выполняются с использованием специализированной техники — низкорамник, трал для перевозки спецтехники, аренда низкорамного трала в Москве. Перевозка станков и перевозка технического оборудования требуют упаковки, крепления и часто сопровождения ГАИ. Перевезти опасный груз нужно через компании с разрешением — перевозка опасных грузов автомобильным транспортом возможна при наличии документов и спецупаковки. Рефрижератор заказать стоит для перевозки холодильного оборудования и рефрижераторные перевозки — отдельная услуга.
Для экономии выбирают сборный груз и сборные грузоперевозки по России, а для срочных задач — фура 20 тонн, бортовая фура или фура грузовая. Доставка по России транспортными компаниями и междугородние грузоперевозки требуют грамотного планирования: рассчитать стоимость доставки поможет калькуляция по тоннажу, километражу и типу транспорта. Многие ищут дешёвые варианты — грузоперевозки по Москве и Московской области дешево или дешевые грузоперевозки по России — но важно не экономить на безопасности при перевозке негабарита.
Услуги транспортной компании включают заказ грузовой машины для переезда, аренду трала и услуги трала по перевозке негабаритных грузов, доставку крупногабаритного товара и перемещение оборудования. Транспортные компании по перевозке грузов по России, такие как ООО ТЛК или ТЛК Трига, предлагают комплексные решения: от оформления разрешений на негабарит до доставки «от двери до двери». Заказать грузоперевозку по Москве и области, заказать трал Москва или арендовать трал для перевозки спецтехники — просто, если выбирать проверенную грузовую компанию и заранее согласовывать условия перевозки.
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Since India’s independence from Britain in 1947, the status of English in India has been deeply political – entwined with questions of identity, power, and national direction.
Today, English is one of several official languages in India, spoken by about 10% of the population. Hindi is the first language for around 44% of citizens, according to the 2011 census.
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But in recent years, Modi’s BJP has placed particular emphasis on promoting Hindi and reducing the use of English in public life.
The prime minister almost never delivers speeches in English, preferring Hindi for national addresses such as his monthly radio program. His administration has encouraged officials to use Hindi on social media and in government correspondence – though, after criticism from non-Hindi-speaking states, clarified that this was intended mainly for the Hindi belt in the north.
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When India hosted world leaders for the 2023 G20 summit in New Delhi, invitations were sent out from “Bharat” – the Sanskrit or Hindi name for the country – instead of “India,” fueling speculation that the government aims to ultimately phase out the country’s English designation altogether.
Modi’s critics have been quick to note his political motives behind these moves.
With its roots in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing organization that advocates Hindu hegemony within India, the BJP’s language policies resonate with many in a country where nearly 80% of people are Hindu.
Analysts say the BJP is seeking to capitalize on this demographic by promoting language policies that strengthen its support base in the north.
According to Rita Kothari, an English professor from Ashoka University, the government “is certainly interested in homogenizing the country and making Hindi more widespread.”
But that policy can also backfire – in part because many regions, such as Marathi-speaking Maharashtra in the west – are staunchly proud of their local language.
The violent clashes in the state’s megacity Mumbai earlier this month were sparked by the regional government’s controversial decision to make Hindi a compulsory third language in public primary schools.
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